The U.S. and Israeli bombing of Iran is the biggest risk to the regime that has led the Islamic Republic since the 1979 revolution in which they took power. The impacts of armed conflict always land differently on civilian women and girls, with specific dangers and challenges focused on them. This is perhaps especially true in a country whose government and military have long endorsed a strict interpretation of Islamic law enforced by the Guidance Patrol, or morality police, who concentrate on Islamic dress codes and hijab mandates.
The Woman, Life, Freedom movement in Iran that began in 2022 showed Iranian women and some men organizing mass protests over the treatment of women and minorities, but it was met with severe repression, arrests and executions by the regime. To learn more about how the war in Iran might affect women and girls in the short and long-term, we spoke with Ambassador Melanne Verveer, executive director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security.
How are Iranian women and children being impacted by the U.S. and Israeli bombing? Do you expect any consequences for the U.S. bombing of the Iranian girls’ school on February 28, 2026?
Since February 28, we have seen women and girls shouldering the effects of war in Iran and the broader region. Hundreds of Iranian women and girls continue to be killed, injured and displaced by airstrikes—in addition to the more than 165 girls aged 7-12 killed by the bombing of their elementary school in Minab. Women in Iran are also facing an environmental toll from the bombing of nearby oil and gas infrastructure, the pollution from which has been linked to serious health effects, including reproductive complications.
Women around the region are also impacted. In Lebanon, renewed Israeli military operations against Iranian-backed Hezbollah have led to more than 1,000 civilian deaths, with women particularly exposed to repeated displacement, crowding in shelters and lack of healthcare—with reports now emerging of women forced to give birth outside of medical facilities. Globally, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iranian authorities has caused energy prices to surge, made shipping more expensive and choked a major supply route for humanitarian aid. These dynamics further strain the global aid system, with women and girls in fragile and conflict-affected settings at particular disadvantage.
Although some investigations have found the missile attack on the girls’ school to violate international humanitarian law, it is challenging to know what, if any, future consequences may arise. Neither the U.S. nor Iran is party to the Rome Statute, largely foreclosing jurisdiction from the International Criminal Court. However, an initial next step may be to get greater clarity on what went wrong. The U.S. is currently conducting an investigation into the attack, which the UN Human Rights Council has called for to be published as a first step towards justice.
In terms of consequences for the Women, Peace, and Security agenda, the girls’ school attack confirms the importance of civilian protection and civilian harm mitigation teams during war. These teams work with military commanders on target planning to make sure that targets are actually military sites, not civilian objects. The teams provide “no strike” lists, including religious and cultural sites and schools.
The Woman, Life, Freedom movement in Iran began in September 2022 after the death of Mahsa Amini, who was taken into morality police custody for violating hijab restrictions. How do you think the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei will impact the rights afforded to women in Iran?
There is grave concern for women’s rights in Iran. Since the war began, repression has worsened as the regime clings to power; there are reports of greater monitoring of dissent, and an internet blackout has been imposed, which cuts off communication and prevents human rights monitoring—including of women’s rights. Following the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, his son, Mojtaba Khamenei, has been appointed, raising concerns that his leadership will entrench hardline views within the government, including in relation to women’s status. Mojtaba Khamenei was a prominent target of criticism during the Woman, Life, Freedom protests.
In recent years, the regime has not held back on deploying the full force of technology to repress women: AI-assisted repression targeted women for sham “violations” of morality laws related to covering their hair and other charges. Monitoring and calling out such abuses remains important. Women in Iran have suffered systemic gender discrimination by the regime. For decades since the Islamic revolution, women have been on the frontlines leading the resistance against the regime’s repression of women. Many women are enduring prison sentences for opposing the regime. Among the political prisoners is Nobel Laureate and human rights defender Narges Mohammadi.
Iran’s female soccer team was in Australia for a tournament when the war broke out and were ultimately offered humanitarian visas by Australia. However, after pressure from the regime, all but two of the players returned home to Iran. What kind of specific pressures do women defectors face?
According to reports, the women were confronting the likelihood that if they defected, their families in Iran would face severe consequences. There are examples of families of defectors being subjected to severe harassment and interrogation by the authorities, including even imprisonment of family members. The Iranian regime also engages in transnational repression, particularly of Iranian dissidents and critics living outside of Iran. The regime, for example, attempted multiple plots to kidnap or assassinate journalist and political activist Masih Alinejad in New York because of her fierce criticism of the regime and its mandatory hijab law—and her communication with thousands of Iranian women on her social media platform.
Reza Pahlavi, the son of the former shah of Iran who lives in exile in the U.S., has been talked about as a potential leader for Iran if the Israeli and U.S. attacks successfully topple the regime. But Khamenei’s son, Mojtaba, has been named the new Supreme Leader. In your opinion, what political outcome would be the most positive development for Iranian women?
No one knows what the outcome of the war will bring. The best result for women would be the end of the regime and an opportunity for all Iranian men and women to freely choose their next leader through a democratic process without fear or pressure. However, that eventuality is far from certain, and it is possible a more hardline regime will emerge.
Reza Pahlavi has support among some in the diaspora and some who engaged in the recent massive protests in Iran—before the regime brutally killed tens of thousands in what was nothing less than a massacre. However, the exact extent of the support is hard to determine as polling is extremely difficult, and there is an internet blackout.
What are women in Iran doing now to organize politically? How are they planning for a post-war country?
In the midst of the war and the difficulties it presents, it is important to note how high the stakes are for women and girls who speak out politically in Iran. During the Woman, Life, Freedom protests and the more recent January 2026 protests, women and girls—and their male allies—faced harassment, sexual violence, arbitrary detention and death. As repression and surveillance grow, this danger only intensifies. The war makes it difficult to organize politically, as women are suffering its consequences. Moreover, the internet blackout makes it difficult to know what exactly is happening on the ground. The women of Iran have been struggling for their rights since the Islamic Revolution, and they will continue to struggle. The contours of what they will be able to do will largely rest on the outcome of the war.
The Trump Administration has backed away from the Women, Peace and Security agenda in the last year. What kind of impact does this have on global efforts to safeguard women?
The United States is the only nation to pass a Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) law, which was adopted in 2017 with strong bipartisan support, including the support of then-Senator Rubio and then-Representative Waltz. It was signed into law by President Trump during his first administration. The WPS Act focuses on the leadership and expertise of women in preventing conflict, participating in conflict resolution and rebuilding their societies post-conflict. It also calls for protection of women from conflict-related sexual violence, which continues to be used as a weapon of war in conflicts around the world.
The WPS Act remains a statutory obligation of the United States. Moreover, the House has a bipartisan Congressional Caucus focused on WPS. However, the current Trump Administration has been hostile to its vigorous implementation, and the nation’s commitment to the WPS agenda continues in a much weakened state.
If ever there were a time for a vigorous implementation of this vital law, it is now. Today, we are witnessing more conflicts in the world than at any time since the end of World War II, from the Middle East to Sudan and from Ukraine to Myanmar and many places beyond. The U.S. is not only shortchanging women and girls around the world, but shortchanging our leadership in the world. Women peacebuilders on the ground have seen their vital support decrease: governments are moving more resources into military spending and away from development investments. Humanitarian assistance has been severely decreased, and the U.S. has not been promoting WPS in peace talks and diplomacy where women’s leadership and expertise are essential. In the Defense department, we have seen efforts to remove women with distinguished military service records from leadership. Fortunately, many other governments continue to play a strong role, but the lack of leadership and support from the U.S. on WPS cannot be fully assumed by other nations.